RatoonIn 1969, there was a slight crack in the monolithic hegemony of the PNC and the organizational dominance of the PPP on campus when Ratoon, a radical group composed of academics and students, was founded. The birth of this group has led to a more dynamic multiracial presence among students and faculty. Professors Clive Thomas, Josh Ramsammy and Omawale and students Bonita Harris and Zinul Bacchus were prominent in this group. Ratoon, like ASCRIA, had its own monthly publication. At its organizational peak he published and circulated approximately 3,000 copies of his newspaper. Aside from its absorption into the university, Ratoon challenged, with a strident anti-imperial voice, foreign penetration into the economy, while at the same time providing support to labor struggles in which ASCRIA was also quite influential. Like ASCRIA and IPRA, Ratoon had its limitations. Clive Thomas clarified the focus and limits of activism. He states that Ratoon was a “cultural group, yes, but also a politically-ideological group, in the most basic sense, in the sense that we feel we are fighting against centuries of mystique, effects and misconceptions of an alien ideology…we are not a political party, in our sense of the definition, we are not office-seeking…” In other words, it was a multiracial composition of students and faculty in a single organization that represented a new dimension in university politics multiracial composition and unity was not tested until much later, as Zinul Bacchus reveals, with the visit of the famous black power leader, Stokeley Carmichael (Kwame Ture) During his visit to Guyana in 1970 as a guest of Ratoon, Carmichael (). later Kwame Ture) told the audience at Queens's College that black power was only for people of African descent... center of paper... reported a serious falling out with the political party in power. As if that wasn't enough, it was accompanied by ASCRIA's criticism of the government's response to the bauxite industry workers' strike. Kwayana similarly resigned from his position as president of the state-controlled Guyana Marketing Corporation in 1971. By 1972, the rift between PNC and ASCRIA was so pronounced that policemen searched Kwayana's home for "guns, ammunition and explosives ". The actions of Eusi Kwayana and ASCRIA should not be underestimated as a decisive break with the old politics. These consequences had lain dormant for a while even though, as David Hinds indicates, “between 1964 and 1971, society supported the PNC on the basis of African solidarity.” According to Edward Greene, the formal split between ASCRIA and PNC was announced in April 1973 by ASCRIA.